Braj rāslīlā performances – their literary, educational and cultural impact on British and “Hindoos” of 19th century colonial India
Colonial India of 19th century saw a great development in it’s theatrical state of arts. Intellectual circles and common folk were able to see performances played by various types of theatres. This variety consisted of devotional ramlīlās and rāslīlās set up in the open air or within a temple environment, a more sophisticated parsi theatre displaying historical, social and mythological genres or a mixture of both styles – the famous nautankī. Study of theatre popular at particular era allows one to venture into many areas of interest and it gives one access to understanding the history of language, literature, religion and culture of a particular region. British who were present in India at that time were naturally exposed to rich cultural heritage of that continent. Holding administrative duties within the country involved the necessity of knowledge of it’s customs, language, religion and art. Whether appreciating it or not, British immersed in the environment around them, found themselves exposed to India’s theatrical heritage as well. In this way, Indian theatre played to two audiences – “Hindoos” and British. Cultural, linguistic and religious aspect of the Braj rāslīlā performances and it’s perception by British and Indian people, portrays the position of Hindi literature of that time, which was active via the medium of this devotional drama.
Braj rāslīlā has to be understood within it’s regional and religious setting. Rāslīlā originated from the region of two cities of north India - Vrindāvan and Mathurā. Up to the present day, the language medium there is a local dialect of Hindi - Braj. Mathurā, the birthplace of Kṛṣṇa and Vrindāvan, the area where Kṛṣṇa spent his youth, both create a setting for the theological and cultural basis of the rāslīlās. These two cities are famous for being the cultural and linguistic hub of the Kṛṣṇa worship and the Braj language.
Līlās are Kṛṣṇa’s actions which he played as child or lover of the gopīs. According to “Viṣṇu Purāṇa”, rās refers in particular to Kṛṣṇa’s circle dance performed together with the gopīs on a full moon autumn night. “Bhāgavata Purāṇa” (3.2.14) brings the two terms together, calling the original romantic event the rāslīlā.[1] It is therefore that the devotional drama – Braj rāslīlā, consists of 2 parts: rās (dancing) and līlā (singing and dialogue). Kṛṣṇa’s original dance and other stories from his life are re-enacted. The followers of Kṛṣṇa tradition see such performances as representation of most important parts of Vaiṣṇava theological thought.
The rāslīlās are performed exquisitely in the Braj language because it is a speciality of the residents of that region. Living in the land of Kṛṣṇa, understanding the theological intricacies of Kṛṣṇa culture and being able to speaking the regional language, all became the essential requirements of the performance. In this way, Braj rāslīlās gained very strong linguistic and regional character. Apart from being the language of stage performance, Brajbhāshā became the language of religious books, songs and temple stories. In fact, through spreading the popularity of rāslīlās, Brajbhāshā culture gained almost a national appeal.[2]
The theology of religious traditions active in Braj area gives a prime importance to understanding, and in fact celebrating, the union of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa.[3] According to theological schools of Vrindāvan, it is the devotee’s highest duty and pleasure to contemplate the dalliance and union of these two divine lovers while thinking himself as an attendant who facilitates their meetings and renders the adoring service.[4] Rāslīlās thus resemble and portray the fundamental attitudes of India’s bhakti tradition.
Braj rāslīlās provided spiritual and educational value to it’s spectators. The commencement of the rāslīlā performances took place along with re-establishment of the cultural and religious importance of Vrindāvan in 16th century, by Rupa and Sanatan Goswamis. Federic Salomon Growse, the British administrator of Mathurā in 19th century, maintains that rāslīlās started along with initiating the banjātrā – a pilgrimage through all places in Braj in which Kṛṣṇa’s pastimes occurred.[5] Nārāyaṇ Bhatt, a disciple of Rupa, who started the banjātrā, identified these places and erected special platforms (maṇḍalīs) where the actual rās dance took place. The round maṇḍalīs built with the throne for Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa, apart from marking the sacred spot, became the first stage arrangements where līlās were performed. By being acted in the actual divine-geographical spots, the rāslīlās became a form of religious ritual. Through seeing līlās in the sacred places of Braj, the spectator could experience spiritual transformation and learn about the theology and history of the area. Nārāyaṇ Bhatt made līlās more accessible to general populace and played crucial role in improving it’s performance and musical aspect. Encouraging staging rāslīlās enabled him to illuminate reality by evoking the vision of the deity. In this way, rāslīlās can be understood as continuity of tradition – just as gopīs enacted the rāsa dance because they were missing Kṛṣṇa, in the same way those who played in līlā as Braj actors, and the spectators of the rāsa performance, could have a darsan of Kṛṣṇa. Līlās carried thus spiritual and educational value which was giving it’s impact via dramatic performance and Braj poetry which was part of it.
Educational value for the Indian viewers of the rāslīlās can be understood in a broader perspective. Due to strong devotional aspect of this theatrical form it is clear that it’s purpose wasn’t just a mere, plain entertainment. Līlās due to their sacredness were never played on the roadsides where līlā could be just stared at by passer-bys. Looking at rāslīlā meant entering into a sacred space – in a physical and metaphorical sense. Līlās thus usually were enacted within the temple compounds, pandals, or at houses of rich families (where devotees who wanted to see them were always encouraged to come in). Spectators had understanding that actors playing roles of Rādhā Kṛṣṇa, were in fact non-different from them and therefore needed to be shown utmost respect. A particular feature of the rāslīlā was that all roles were played by Brahmin boys, up to the age of 12-13.[6] Young age of the actors is explained as a way of keeping purity over people’s perception of Kṛṣṇa’s love affairs. The educative impetus of līlās can be thus looked within two contexts – it’s impact on actors and on the spectators.
Although the sacredness of the performance was strictly maintained and reinforced upon the viewers, līlās were open to all audience. The literacy level of the 19th century residents of Braj was extremely low. Majority of people gained their theological knowledge not by reading scriptures but by hearing the poetry of the medieval Braj poets which was used in rāslīlās and which was popularly sung at the local temples. The modified vernacular renderings of these great poets, which during the performance were further enriched by prose and pravacan, contributed to the education of the people of Braj.[7] On the contrast with illiteracy of the Braj folk, svamīs - the leaders of līlā groups, were highly skilled in usage of Hindi, Braj and Sanskrit. Brahmin boys who played in līlās had to become literate as well, in order to be able to learn their lines. Svamī on taking on someone’s son into the group was taking responsibility for providing the child necessary education.[8] Rāslīlās therefore had their importance far beyond recreation – they were complexly evolved, extensive in outreach, effective in communicating the religious experience and an important instrument in education.[9]
The literary contribution of the 19th century rāslīlās consists of writings of poets who drew their inspiration from the religious scriptures and literary heritage of earlier bhakti writers. Braj poetry was continually created in 16th, 17th, 18th and consequently in 19th century. 18th century especially is characterised by increased creativity of commentaries on previous vernacular languages. Writings of Vallabha’s eight poet disciples (the Ashtachap), the “Sūrsāgar” of Sūrdās, and the “Braj Vilasā” by Brajbāsī dās (written in 1743) all taking their source from Bhāgavata Purāṇa were all further expanded by rāsdhārīs of 19th century. Dhruvadās of 17th century was inspired to compose during nights at rāsmandal in Vrindāvan. Further contribution in 18th century is “Rās Chadma Vinod” of Cācā Vrindābandās. Starting from the 16th century, in every successive century, the poets of Braj have been thus setting forth new stories concerning Kṛṣṇa, often with the needs of the rāslīlā staging as their direct impetus. Nārāyaṇ Svamī, a 19th century poet clearly states in the introduction to his “Braj Vihār” that he was an enthusiastic follower of the rāsmaṇḍalīs and wrote especially for their use. Those who would adopt their works for the stage purpose have probably dwelt on poetry of previous writers since generations. What made the rāslīlā remarkable was the literary treasure on which it drew, the refinement of language and the feeling which it derives from generations of literate stage people, and of it’s power to attract and influence relatively sophisticated and cultured audiences.
There are a few accounts of British seeing a rāslīlā being performed. Thomas Duer Broughton in his “Letters written in a Mahratta Camp during the year 1809” gives a detailed description of such event. Broughton (1778-1835) was a British army officer with literary interest who went to India in 1795. Son of a clergyman in Bristol, educated in Eaton, eventually joined the Bengal Army. In 1802 he became the commander of the British Resident’s escort at the court of Daulat Rao Sindia, the leader of the strongest Maratha army. Broughton had a good knowledge of Urdu and was well acquainted with the Persian literature. During his stay in India he developed also a great interest in the Braj poetry.[10] In his letters he recalls watching a rāslīlā performance on the occasion of Janmāsṭami celebrations.[11] Broughton seems to be impressed by the performance and the appearance of the Brahmin-boys actors of whom he says: “they are all eminently handsome”.[12] His writing reflect European perception of the drama and Braj language: ”The performance was a kind of Ballet, descriptive of the sports of this amorous and inconstant, but interesting deity, with the Gopees, or virgins of Gokul, during which they sung stanzas of B,hak,ha, or a language of Brij [sic] (…). This language which is very little known among Europeans in general, is forcible and comprehensive, though, from abounding in monosyllables, it sounds harsh to ears unaccustomed to hear it pronounced. It contains beautiful specimens of the ancient Hindoo poets, which, I am persuaded, would apply himself to their study.”[13] Author gives us also a first hand description of what he saw: ”Both the dancing and singing of the Rahus-d,harees was far superior to that of common performers; their attitudes were exceedingly graceful, and their voices were never raised beyond the natural pitch. The dresses were appropriate and elegant, especially that of Kunya [sic], who wore a brilliant sun upon his head, and a quantity of superb jewels about his neck and breast; all of which, as well as the dresses of other boys, were furnished from the wardrobe of Muha Raj. After the dances were over, they exhibited in groups representations of the most celebrated statues of Krishna and his relatives, with accuracy and steadiness quite surprising in such children. (…) and it was pleasing to see them, after their performance, instead of making the usual obeisance, lifting up their little hands, as evoking a blessing upon the Muha Raj, who rose, and bowed to each as he retired.”[14] Broughton clearly appreciates the show with it’s visual and poetical aspects. The point which he makes about boys giving blessings to the Raj and Muha Raj bowing down to all of them, confirms the fact that līlā actors were seen as personifications of Kṛṣṇa and his associates who duly should be respected and can bless the audience. Broughton’s interest on Braj poetry results in publishing a collection of Braj poems under a title: “Selections from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos – 1814”. The book is an outcome of Broughton’s finding out that many of his soldiers being Brahmins, were well acquainted with the poetry. Soldiers could remember many poems and were thus source of Broughton’s poetry collection. He was very surprised with the fact that poetry was not restricted only to royal courts but was relished by the common folk. Broughton’s published collection is one of the earliest critical remarks on Hindi poetry in English. [15]
Another eye-witness account given by foreigner is one of James Tod (1782-1835) in 1829. Tod was a British officer and a historian of Rajasthan. He served there on a diplomatic service from 1805 to 1822. Similarly like Broughton, Tod went to India in 1799 as a cadet in the Bengal Army and subsequently served as a chief of the Intelligence Department.[16] His description of rāslīlā can be found in his “Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan” (1829). Tod, similarly as Broughton, watched rāslīlā on the occasion of Janmāsṭami celebrations. He sums up his experience: “The movements of those who personate the deity and his fair companions are full of grace, and the dialogue is replete with harmony. The Chobis of Mathurā and Vindravana [sic] have considerable reputation as vocalists; and the effect of the modulated and deep tones of the adult blending with the clear treble of the juvenile performers, while the time is marked by the cymbal or the soothing monotony of the tabor, accompanied by the mūrali or flute, is very pleasing.”[17] In his account Tod clearly appreciates the aesthetic qualities of the performance. Both of the accounts – Tod’s and Broughton’s - show that Braj rāslīlā troupes were travelling and visiting distant places. It proves popularity of the līlā performance and the fact that it was considered as something worthy to show to British administrators.
An additional report worth noticing is that of Growse who happened to see only one performance, played in Sanket - place of Rādhā’s and Kṛṣṇa’s marriage. Sanket was established by Nārāyaṇ Bhatt as one of the important places in the banjātrā pilgrimage trail, hence, the rāslīlās were enacted there. Since līlā which was seen by Growse was “Vivāha Līlā”, where Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā don’t speak (just as it is in any contemporary marriage ceremonies, where groom and bride don’t talk), Growse was under the impression that rāslīlā was a pantomime. He writes: “The marriage scene, as performed at Sanket, is the only one that I have had the fortune to witness: with a garden terrace for stage, a grey stone temple for back-ground, the bright moon over head (…), the spectacle was a pretty one and was marked by a total absence of anything even verging upon indecorum.”[18] Further, since main 2 actors didn’t speak, he remarks that children who partake in a play “act only in a dumb show.”[19] Growse stated that Mathurā district was home to many actors and confirmed that Mathurā had been a centre of stage activity during the 19th century. As an enthusiast of the Braj culture he was raising also positive hope that it would develop even further.[20]
Contrasting to the above positive accounts, a report appeared in the 19th century edition of the “London Times” (24th March, 1859). The article describes evening entertainment provided by the rājā for the European officials in Lucknow. The one sentence description shows Western understanding in the face of the exotic: “There was one other interlude in the nauch, when there appears six or eight boys dressed as girls, their faces covered with gold leaf, who performed an abstruse comedy or mystery, and sang a chorus of an incomprehensible character (…).”[21] Understanding and appreciation of the rāslīlā certainly requires knowledge of it’s intricate world of special theological concepts and religious symbols. No everyone was ready to appreciate, celebrate and understand the amorous love plays or cheeky acts of Kṛṣṇa. Alexasnder Duff (1086-1878)[22], missionary and one of the most militant representatives of the Christian faith in India, bluntly spoke of Kṛṣṇa: “And yet, with all his external beauty, enhanced as it was by the decorations of art, what was the character of this incarnate divinity? In his youth, he selected 16000 shepherdesses, with whom he ‘sported away his hours in the gay revelries of dance and song’ (…). In a quarrel with a certain monarch respecting some point of precedency [sic], he became so enraged that he cut off the head of his rival. He was in the habit of practicing all manner of roughish and deceitful tricks. With the most deliberate acts of falsehood and of theft he was more than once chargeable.”[23]
… And because of these tricks and acts of falsehood the rāslīlās found a great material for plays and literary creativity. Braj poetry is happy to celebrate Kṛṣṇa’s frolics which Duff finds it hard to appreciate. One of the poems which was recited while Tod saw the rāslīlā is an excellent example of celebrating Kṛṣṇa’s “roughish and deceitful tricks” by Rādhā, Jasodā and consequently by Braj poets and their audience:
सुनिहो जसोदा फरियाद करों तकसीर सुनो अपने नट की ।
अहली जु चले बिँदराबन जाएँ जहाँ बाहँ झकझोर लियो झटकी ।
अहली मन मैं सुख छाइ रहे सखियाँ मुसकाई सबै सटकी ।
दधि माखन लूट लियो सगरो चट चौपट मैं मटकी पटकी ।।
तुम ग्वलिन नार गँवार बड़ी कोऊ पावत ना तुम्हरे धट की ।
दस बीस मिलो बन को जो चलो तुम मानत ना अपनी हटकी ।
…
रस कुंजन मैं जु किलोल करो हमसे (न) कहो मटकी पटकी ।।
“Listen, Jasodā, this is my complaint. Hear the mischief of your actor:
“When filled with joy, I went to Vrindāban, where he frolickingly wrenched my arms,
“Joy spread in [his] mind and my smiling companions moved away from us.
“He took away all my curd and butter and my earthen jar instantly smashed in plain view.
“Oh, cowherd woman, you are a big fool; nobody can understand [the matter] of your heart.
“Go in groups of ten or twenty when you go to the Forest (Vrindāban)! –
You did not consider my words, but only your stubborn [ways].
…
“You sport in groves of love and still speak of the smashed jar?” [24]
The rāslīlās of Mathurā and Vrindāvan hold a special position within India’s cultural heritage and it’s literature development. Study of rāslīlā in the context of it’s influence on various spheres of life and on two types of people: British and “Hindoos” is an interesting approach which enables one to explore many aspects of this theatrical form. Dramas of Mathurā certainly differ form western forms of theatre. As Norvin Hein puts it: “Special Indian needs bring them into being, and special Indian conditions give them their characteristic shape.”[25] The rāslīlās contributed greatly to the development of Hindi literature by providing poetry and prose which were either new creations or a transformation of already available literature. Through it’s literary development, this form of drama provided theological and cultural education for Indians and a new cultural experience for the British. Rāslīlā can’t be described as ‘rustic drama form’. The dignity of the dramas approaches that of literature, because it is so closely connected with it. Rāslīlā’s literary tradition does not cater for the taste of the masses, but inculcate traditional ideals which are approved by the society’s most honoured classes. The travelling rāsmaṇḍalīs were able to cross linguistic boundaries and their penetration of the non-Hindi speaking areas contributed to the increased prestige of Hindi and Hindi literature. Līlās proved that though played in Braj language, they were able to educate and make an impression on it’s spectators. It’s performance in colonial India had various impact – it certainly intrigued the British[26], educated Indians, created new devotees of Kṛṣṇa, new singers of Brajbhāshā songs, new pilgrims to Braj and new readers of the Brajbhāshā literature.[27]
Bibliography:
Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Rainbow Publishers Limited, Delhi, 2000
Braj rāslīlā has to be understood within it’s regional and religious setting. Rāslīlā originated from the region of two cities of north India - Vrindāvan and Mathurā. Up to the present day, the language medium there is a local dialect of Hindi - Braj. Mathurā, the birthplace of Kṛṣṇa and Vrindāvan, the area where Kṛṣṇa spent his youth, both create a setting for the theological and cultural basis of the rāslīlās. These two cities are famous for being the cultural and linguistic hub of the Kṛṣṇa worship and the Braj language.
Līlās are Kṛṣṇa’s actions which he played as child or lover of the gopīs. According to “Viṣṇu Purāṇa”, rās refers in particular to Kṛṣṇa’s circle dance performed together with the gopīs on a full moon autumn night. “Bhāgavata Purāṇa” (3.2.14) brings the two terms together, calling the original romantic event the rāslīlā.[1] It is therefore that the devotional drama – Braj rāslīlā, consists of 2 parts: rās (dancing) and līlā (singing and dialogue). Kṛṣṇa’s original dance and other stories from his life are re-enacted. The followers of Kṛṣṇa tradition see such performances as representation of most important parts of Vaiṣṇava theological thought.
The rāslīlās are performed exquisitely in the Braj language because it is a speciality of the residents of that region. Living in the land of Kṛṣṇa, understanding the theological intricacies of Kṛṣṇa culture and being able to speaking the regional language, all became the essential requirements of the performance. In this way, Braj rāslīlās gained very strong linguistic and regional character. Apart from being the language of stage performance, Brajbhāshā became the language of religious books, songs and temple stories. In fact, through spreading the popularity of rāslīlās, Brajbhāshā culture gained almost a national appeal.[2]
The theology of religious traditions active in Braj area gives a prime importance to understanding, and in fact celebrating, the union of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa.[3] According to theological schools of Vrindāvan, it is the devotee’s highest duty and pleasure to contemplate the dalliance and union of these two divine lovers while thinking himself as an attendant who facilitates their meetings and renders the adoring service.[4] Rāslīlās thus resemble and portray the fundamental attitudes of India’s bhakti tradition.
Braj rāslīlās provided spiritual and educational value to it’s spectators. The commencement of the rāslīlā performances took place along with re-establishment of the cultural and religious importance of Vrindāvan in 16th century, by Rupa and Sanatan Goswamis. Federic Salomon Growse, the British administrator of Mathurā in 19th century, maintains that rāslīlās started along with initiating the banjātrā – a pilgrimage through all places in Braj in which Kṛṣṇa’s pastimes occurred.[5] Nārāyaṇ Bhatt, a disciple of Rupa, who started the banjātrā, identified these places and erected special platforms (maṇḍalīs) where the actual rās dance took place. The round maṇḍalīs built with the throne for Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa, apart from marking the sacred spot, became the first stage arrangements where līlās were performed. By being acted in the actual divine-geographical spots, the rāslīlās became a form of religious ritual. Through seeing līlās in the sacred places of Braj, the spectator could experience spiritual transformation and learn about the theology and history of the area. Nārāyaṇ Bhatt made līlās more accessible to general populace and played crucial role in improving it’s performance and musical aspect. Encouraging staging rāslīlās enabled him to illuminate reality by evoking the vision of the deity. In this way, rāslīlās can be understood as continuity of tradition – just as gopīs enacted the rāsa dance because they were missing Kṛṣṇa, in the same way those who played in līlā as Braj actors, and the spectators of the rāsa performance, could have a darsan of Kṛṣṇa. Līlās carried thus spiritual and educational value which was giving it’s impact via dramatic performance and Braj poetry which was part of it.
Educational value for the Indian viewers of the rāslīlās can be understood in a broader perspective. Due to strong devotional aspect of this theatrical form it is clear that it’s purpose wasn’t just a mere, plain entertainment. Līlās due to their sacredness were never played on the roadsides where līlā could be just stared at by passer-bys. Looking at rāslīlā meant entering into a sacred space – in a physical and metaphorical sense. Līlās thus usually were enacted within the temple compounds, pandals, or at houses of rich families (where devotees who wanted to see them were always encouraged to come in). Spectators had understanding that actors playing roles of Rādhā Kṛṣṇa, were in fact non-different from them and therefore needed to be shown utmost respect. A particular feature of the rāslīlā was that all roles were played by Brahmin boys, up to the age of 12-13.[6] Young age of the actors is explained as a way of keeping purity over people’s perception of Kṛṣṇa’s love affairs. The educative impetus of līlās can be thus looked within two contexts – it’s impact on actors and on the spectators.
Although the sacredness of the performance was strictly maintained and reinforced upon the viewers, līlās were open to all audience. The literacy level of the 19th century residents of Braj was extremely low. Majority of people gained their theological knowledge not by reading scriptures but by hearing the poetry of the medieval Braj poets which was used in rāslīlās and which was popularly sung at the local temples. The modified vernacular renderings of these great poets, which during the performance were further enriched by prose and pravacan, contributed to the education of the people of Braj.[7] On the contrast with illiteracy of the Braj folk, svamīs - the leaders of līlā groups, were highly skilled in usage of Hindi, Braj and Sanskrit. Brahmin boys who played in līlās had to become literate as well, in order to be able to learn their lines. Svamī on taking on someone’s son into the group was taking responsibility for providing the child necessary education.[8] Rāslīlās therefore had their importance far beyond recreation – they were complexly evolved, extensive in outreach, effective in communicating the religious experience and an important instrument in education.[9]
The literary contribution of the 19th century rāslīlās consists of writings of poets who drew their inspiration from the religious scriptures and literary heritage of earlier bhakti writers. Braj poetry was continually created in 16th, 17th, 18th and consequently in 19th century. 18th century especially is characterised by increased creativity of commentaries on previous vernacular languages. Writings of Vallabha’s eight poet disciples (the Ashtachap), the “Sūrsāgar” of Sūrdās, and the “Braj Vilasā” by Brajbāsī dās (written in 1743) all taking their source from Bhāgavata Purāṇa were all further expanded by rāsdhārīs of 19th century. Dhruvadās of 17th century was inspired to compose during nights at rāsmandal in Vrindāvan. Further contribution in 18th century is “Rās Chadma Vinod” of Cācā Vrindābandās. Starting from the 16th century, in every successive century, the poets of Braj have been thus setting forth new stories concerning Kṛṣṇa, often with the needs of the rāslīlā staging as their direct impetus. Nārāyaṇ Svamī, a 19th century poet clearly states in the introduction to his “Braj Vihār” that he was an enthusiastic follower of the rāsmaṇḍalīs and wrote especially for their use. Those who would adopt their works for the stage purpose have probably dwelt on poetry of previous writers since generations. What made the rāslīlā remarkable was the literary treasure on which it drew, the refinement of language and the feeling which it derives from generations of literate stage people, and of it’s power to attract and influence relatively sophisticated and cultured audiences.
There are a few accounts of British seeing a rāslīlā being performed. Thomas Duer Broughton in his “Letters written in a Mahratta Camp during the year 1809” gives a detailed description of such event. Broughton (1778-1835) was a British army officer with literary interest who went to India in 1795. Son of a clergyman in Bristol, educated in Eaton, eventually joined the Bengal Army. In 1802 he became the commander of the British Resident’s escort at the court of Daulat Rao Sindia, the leader of the strongest Maratha army. Broughton had a good knowledge of Urdu and was well acquainted with the Persian literature. During his stay in India he developed also a great interest in the Braj poetry.[10] In his letters he recalls watching a rāslīlā performance on the occasion of Janmāsṭami celebrations.[11] Broughton seems to be impressed by the performance and the appearance of the Brahmin-boys actors of whom he says: “they are all eminently handsome”.[12] His writing reflect European perception of the drama and Braj language: ”The performance was a kind of Ballet, descriptive of the sports of this amorous and inconstant, but interesting deity, with the Gopees, or virgins of Gokul, during which they sung stanzas of B,hak,ha, or a language of Brij [sic] (…). This language which is very little known among Europeans in general, is forcible and comprehensive, though, from abounding in monosyllables, it sounds harsh to ears unaccustomed to hear it pronounced. It contains beautiful specimens of the ancient Hindoo poets, which, I am persuaded, would apply himself to their study.”[13] Author gives us also a first hand description of what he saw: ”Both the dancing and singing of the Rahus-d,harees was far superior to that of common performers; their attitudes were exceedingly graceful, and their voices were never raised beyond the natural pitch. The dresses were appropriate and elegant, especially that of Kunya [sic], who wore a brilliant sun upon his head, and a quantity of superb jewels about his neck and breast; all of which, as well as the dresses of other boys, were furnished from the wardrobe of Muha Raj. After the dances were over, they exhibited in groups representations of the most celebrated statues of Krishna and his relatives, with accuracy and steadiness quite surprising in such children. (…) and it was pleasing to see them, after their performance, instead of making the usual obeisance, lifting up their little hands, as evoking a blessing upon the Muha Raj, who rose, and bowed to each as he retired.”[14] Broughton clearly appreciates the show with it’s visual and poetical aspects. The point which he makes about boys giving blessings to the Raj and Muha Raj bowing down to all of them, confirms the fact that līlā actors were seen as personifications of Kṛṣṇa and his associates who duly should be respected and can bless the audience. Broughton’s interest on Braj poetry results in publishing a collection of Braj poems under a title: “Selections from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos – 1814”. The book is an outcome of Broughton’s finding out that many of his soldiers being Brahmins, were well acquainted with the poetry. Soldiers could remember many poems and were thus source of Broughton’s poetry collection. He was very surprised with the fact that poetry was not restricted only to royal courts but was relished by the common folk. Broughton’s published collection is one of the earliest critical remarks on Hindi poetry in English. [15]
Another eye-witness account given by foreigner is one of James Tod (1782-1835) in 1829. Tod was a British officer and a historian of Rajasthan. He served there on a diplomatic service from 1805 to 1822. Similarly like Broughton, Tod went to India in 1799 as a cadet in the Bengal Army and subsequently served as a chief of the Intelligence Department.[16] His description of rāslīlā can be found in his “Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan” (1829). Tod, similarly as Broughton, watched rāslīlā on the occasion of Janmāsṭami celebrations. He sums up his experience: “The movements of those who personate the deity and his fair companions are full of grace, and the dialogue is replete with harmony. The Chobis of Mathurā and Vindravana [sic] have considerable reputation as vocalists; and the effect of the modulated and deep tones of the adult blending with the clear treble of the juvenile performers, while the time is marked by the cymbal or the soothing monotony of the tabor, accompanied by the mūrali or flute, is very pleasing.”[17] In his account Tod clearly appreciates the aesthetic qualities of the performance. Both of the accounts – Tod’s and Broughton’s - show that Braj rāslīlā troupes were travelling and visiting distant places. It proves popularity of the līlā performance and the fact that it was considered as something worthy to show to British administrators.
An additional report worth noticing is that of Growse who happened to see only one performance, played in Sanket - place of Rādhā’s and Kṛṣṇa’s marriage. Sanket was established by Nārāyaṇ Bhatt as one of the important places in the banjātrā pilgrimage trail, hence, the rāslīlās were enacted there. Since līlā which was seen by Growse was “Vivāha Līlā”, where Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā don’t speak (just as it is in any contemporary marriage ceremonies, where groom and bride don’t talk), Growse was under the impression that rāslīlā was a pantomime. He writes: “The marriage scene, as performed at Sanket, is the only one that I have had the fortune to witness: with a garden terrace for stage, a grey stone temple for back-ground, the bright moon over head (…), the spectacle was a pretty one and was marked by a total absence of anything even verging upon indecorum.”[18] Further, since main 2 actors didn’t speak, he remarks that children who partake in a play “act only in a dumb show.”[19] Growse stated that Mathurā district was home to many actors and confirmed that Mathurā had been a centre of stage activity during the 19th century. As an enthusiast of the Braj culture he was raising also positive hope that it would develop even further.[20]
Contrasting to the above positive accounts, a report appeared in the 19th century edition of the “London Times” (24th March, 1859). The article describes evening entertainment provided by the rājā for the European officials in Lucknow. The one sentence description shows Western understanding in the face of the exotic: “There was one other interlude in the nauch, when there appears six or eight boys dressed as girls, their faces covered with gold leaf, who performed an abstruse comedy or mystery, and sang a chorus of an incomprehensible character (…).”[21] Understanding and appreciation of the rāslīlā certainly requires knowledge of it’s intricate world of special theological concepts and religious symbols. No everyone was ready to appreciate, celebrate and understand the amorous love plays or cheeky acts of Kṛṣṇa. Alexasnder Duff (1086-1878)[22], missionary and one of the most militant representatives of the Christian faith in India, bluntly spoke of Kṛṣṇa: “And yet, with all his external beauty, enhanced as it was by the decorations of art, what was the character of this incarnate divinity? In his youth, he selected 16000 shepherdesses, with whom he ‘sported away his hours in the gay revelries of dance and song’ (…). In a quarrel with a certain monarch respecting some point of precedency [sic], he became so enraged that he cut off the head of his rival. He was in the habit of practicing all manner of roughish and deceitful tricks. With the most deliberate acts of falsehood and of theft he was more than once chargeable.”[23]
… And because of these tricks and acts of falsehood the rāslīlās found a great material for plays and literary creativity. Braj poetry is happy to celebrate Kṛṣṇa’s frolics which Duff finds it hard to appreciate. One of the poems which was recited while Tod saw the rāslīlā is an excellent example of celebrating Kṛṣṇa’s “roughish and deceitful tricks” by Rādhā, Jasodā and consequently by Braj poets and their audience:
सुनिहो जसोदा फरियाद करों तकसीर सुनो अपने नट की ।
अहली जु चले बिँदराबन जाएँ जहाँ बाहँ झकझोर लियो झटकी ।
अहली मन मैं सुख छाइ रहे सखियाँ मुसकाई सबै सटकी ।
दधि माखन लूट लियो सगरो चट चौपट मैं मटकी पटकी ।।
तुम ग्वलिन नार गँवार बड़ी कोऊ पावत ना तुम्हरे धट की ।
दस बीस मिलो बन को जो चलो तुम मानत ना अपनी हटकी ।
…
रस कुंजन मैं जु किलोल करो हमसे (न) कहो मटकी पटकी ।।
“Listen, Jasodā, this is my complaint. Hear the mischief of your actor:
“When filled with joy, I went to Vrindāban, where he frolickingly wrenched my arms,
“Joy spread in [his] mind and my smiling companions moved away from us.
“He took away all my curd and butter and my earthen jar instantly smashed in plain view.
“Oh, cowherd woman, you are a big fool; nobody can understand [the matter] of your heart.
“Go in groups of ten or twenty when you go to the Forest (Vrindāban)! –
You did not consider my words, but only your stubborn [ways].
…
“You sport in groves of love and still speak of the smashed jar?” [24]
The rāslīlās of Mathurā and Vrindāvan hold a special position within India’s cultural heritage and it’s literature development. Study of rāslīlā in the context of it’s influence on various spheres of life and on two types of people: British and “Hindoos” is an interesting approach which enables one to explore many aspects of this theatrical form. Dramas of Mathurā certainly differ form western forms of theatre. As Norvin Hein puts it: “Special Indian needs bring them into being, and special Indian conditions give them their characteristic shape.”[25] The rāslīlās contributed greatly to the development of Hindi literature by providing poetry and prose which were either new creations or a transformation of already available literature. Through it’s literary development, this form of drama provided theological and cultural education for Indians and a new cultural experience for the British. Rāslīlā can’t be described as ‘rustic drama form’. The dignity of the dramas approaches that of literature, because it is so closely connected with it. Rāslīlā’s literary tradition does not cater for the taste of the masses, but inculcate traditional ideals which are approved by the society’s most honoured classes. The travelling rāsmaṇḍalīs were able to cross linguistic boundaries and their penetration of the non-Hindi speaking areas contributed to the increased prestige of Hindi and Hindi literature. Līlās proved that though played in Braj language, they were able to educate and make an impression on it’s spectators. It’s performance in colonial India had various impact – it certainly intrigued the British[26], educated Indians, created new devotees of Kṛṣṇa, new singers of Brajbhāshā songs, new pilgrims to Braj and new readers of the Brajbhāshā literature.[27]
Bibliography:
Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Rainbow Publishers Limited, Delhi, 2000
Dalmia Vasudha, The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999
Duer Broughton Thomas, Letters Written in a Mahratta Camp During the Year 1809, Archbald Constable and Company, Westminster, 1818
Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1972
Growse Federick Salomon, Mathurā – A District Memoir, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1979
Websites:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Tod
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Duff
[1] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg.129
[2] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972,, pg. 6
[3] Kṛṣṇa, Supreme Godhead is understood to be a personal being, therefore his exchanges with gopīs and his devotees are very human-like. All religious groups of Vrindāvan and Mathurā worship Kṛṣṇa along side with Rādhā - the most important of gopīs. Rādhā is considered Kṛṣṇa’s hlādinī śakti, ‘blisfull energy’, a polar principle that is no different from Kṛṣṇa. In order to taste the bliss of his own nature, Kṛṣṇa creates his potency and as a lover enjoys communion with himself in this form. - ibid., pg. 9
[4] ibid., pg. 9
[5] ibid., pg. 223
[6] It is known that the rāslīlā performance of the mid - 16th century was predominantly an adult art and the timing of the shift into the usage of child actors is difficult to be dated. - ibid., pg. 230
[7] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 6
[8] After leaving the stage career, skilled boys could hope to become svamis themselves, or moved onto playing musical instruments that accompanied the performance.
[9] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 14
[10]Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, 2000, pg. 9-10
[11] “Great preparations are making for the approaching Hindoo festival Junum-ushtoomee, the anniversary of the birth of Krishna. Sets of dancing boys, called Rahusd,harees, are arrived from Muttra for the occasion, and all the principal people in camp have received invitations to be present at their performance.” in: Duer Broughton Thomas, Letters Written in a Mahratta Camp During the Year 1809, Westminster: Archbald Constable and Company, 1818, pg. 187
[12] ibid., pg. 192
[13] ibid.
[14] ibid., pg. 194-195
[15] Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, 2000, pg. 11
[16] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Tod
[17] Growse Federick Salomon, Mathurā – A District Memoir, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1979, pg. 33
[18] ibid., pg. 80
[19] ibid.
[20] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg.4
[21] ibid., pg. 130
[22] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Duff
[23] Dalmia Vasudha, The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999, pg. 346
[24] Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, 2000, pg. 65-66
[25] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 273
[26] Apart from personal accounts mentioned above, British scholars looked at rāslīlās in an academic perspective. For example, William Ridgeway in his book The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy, published by Cambridge University Press in 1915, gives substantial description and documentation concerning the rāslīlā.
[27] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 161
Websites:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Tod
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Duff
[1] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg.129
[2] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972,, pg. 6
[3] Kṛṣṇa, Supreme Godhead is understood to be a personal being, therefore his exchanges with gopīs and his devotees are very human-like. All religious groups of Vrindāvan and Mathurā worship Kṛṣṇa along side with Rādhā - the most important of gopīs. Rādhā is considered Kṛṣṇa’s hlādinī śakti, ‘blisfull energy’, a polar principle that is no different from Kṛṣṇa. In order to taste the bliss of his own nature, Kṛṣṇa creates his potency and as a lover enjoys communion with himself in this form. - ibid., pg. 9
[4] ibid., pg. 9
[5] ibid., pg. 223
[6] It is known that the rāslīlā performance of the mid - 16th century was predominantly an adult art and the timing of the shift into the usage of child actors is difficult to be dated. - ibid., pg. 230
[7] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 6
[8] After leaving the stage career, skilled boys could hope to become svamis themselves, or moved onto playing musical instruments that accompanied the performance.
[9] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 14
[10]Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, 2000, pg. 9-10
[11] “Great preparations are making for the approaching Hindoo festival Junum-ushtoomee, the anniversary of the birth of Krishna. Sets of dancing boys, called Rahusd,harees, are arrived from Muttra for the occasion, and all the principal people in camp have received invitations to be present at their performance.” in: Duer Broughton Thomas, Letters Written in a Mahratta Camp During the Year 1809, Westminster: Archbald Constable and Company, 1818, pg. 187
[12] ibid., pg. 192
[13] ibid.
[14] ibid., pg. 194-195
[15] Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, 2000, pg. 11
[16] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Tod
[17] Growse Federick Salomon, Mathurā – A District Memoir, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1979, pg. 33
[18] ibid., pg. 80
[19] ibid.
[20] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg.4
[21] ibid., pg. 130
[22] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Duff
[23] Dalmia Vasudha, The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999, pg. 346
[24] Bangha Imre, The First Published Anthology of Hindi Poets – Thomas Broughton’s Selection from the Popular Poetry of the Hindoos 1814, Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, 2000, pg. 65-66
[25] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 273
[26] Apart from personal accounts mentioned above, British scholars looked at rāslīlās in an academic perspective. For example, William Ridgeway in his book The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy, published by Cambridge University Press in 1915, gives substantial description and documentation concerning the rāslīlā.
[27] Hein Norvin, The miracle plays of Mathurā, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1972, pg. 161
1 comment:
Thanks, I enjoyed that, especially the comments by Englishmen from the 19th century. Good work. Hope to see more. And maybe I can pick up some Brijbhasha from you some time.
You have to get your "it's" and "its" straight, though. You probably don't need quite as many sics, either, since it is generally known that there was no transliteration standard in that time.
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